Workers, the World of Work, and Labor Law:
A Basic Bibliography
Patrick S. O’Donnell (2023)
The emergence of the market in labour power required the dissolution of the reference groups [that
are the primary source of our conceptions of ‘the Good,’ of our most important moral values and
principles], so that one subject came to face another no longer within the web of norms presented
by the sharing of various reference groups. Instead, one subject came to face another solely as
competitor in the market to supply Capital with labour power necessary for the maximisation of
profit. Capital needs labour power to be freed from the normative bonds of our actual traditions,
or else its supply will be economically inefficient. And of course, for Capital, the only measure of
the adequacy of its supply is the economic efficiency in terms of profit maximisation. [….]
Capitalism cannot abide the construction of relationships other than those economic ones in
which it places one labourer in relation with another. [….] For capitalism to flourish, moral
agency must be replaced by economic agency and therefore it is no good trying to put a ‘human’
face upon capitalism. As long as the underlying economic arrangement is a capitalist one, there is
no room for the construction of the reference groups required to make that face more than a
shallow mask. — Michael Luntley in The Meaning of Socialism (1990)
Jacob Lawrence, Ironers (1943)
Introduction
This bibliography contains a number of titles dealing with “workers,” the “world of
work” generally, and “labor law” in particular, so as to account for some of the more
compelling reasons we should assiduously attend to the complex economic and moral
questions (the former often including some of the latter) regarding the labor, working
conditions, and leisure time of working people. I suspect much of the general public in
this country is woefully ignorant of the history of workers organizing to better represent
and defend their interests, some of which coincide with basic human rights. Moreover,
workers themselves are increasingly misled or confused as to what is in their best (or
true) interest(s), as when they are seduced by the siren songs of conspicuous
consumption, upper class incomes, or so bewitched by capitalist ideologies they cannot
conceive, let alone believe in, the possibility of an alternative economic system to the one
that today so ruthlessly rules their lives. There are several more than plausible reasons
that might account for the fact that many workers fail to appreciate what is in their own
best interests. As Jon Elster has argued,
“Marx’s most original contribution to the theory of belief formation was ... his idea that
economic agents tend to generalize locally valid views into invalid global statements,
because of a failure to perceive that causal relations that obtain ceteris paribus may not
hold unrestrictedly. For instance, although any worker may be seen as the marginal
worker, not all workers can be at the margin. This is a local-global fallacy that leads to
cognitive failures, different from yet related to the local-global confusions that lead to
failures of action. This is perhaps the most powerful part of the Marxist methodology:
the demonstration that in a decentralized economy there spontaneously arises a fallacy of
composition with consequences for theory as well as for practice. [….]
“Outside the factory gate, no one can tell the worker what to do. He can purchase the
goods he wants to, within the limits of his wage. He can change employer, within the
limits of alternative employment. He may even try to become self-employed or an
employer himself, and sometimes succeed. That freedom, while ultimately a danger to
capitalism, has useful short-term ideological consequences, since it creates an
appearance of independence not only from any particular capitalist, but from capital
itself. [….]
Both the freedom to change employer and the freedom to become an employer oneself
give rise to ideological illusions that embody the fallacy of composition. The first is the
inference from the fact that a given worker is independent of any specific employer to
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the conclusion that he is free from all employers, that is, independent of capital as such,
to the conclusion that all workers can achieve such independence. It might look as if the
conclusion of the first inference follows validly from the premise of the second, but this
is due merely to the word ‘can’ being employed in two different senses. The freedom of
the worker to change employer depends, for its realization, mainly on his decision to do
so. He ‘can’ do it, having the real ability to do so should he want to. The freedom to
move into the capitalist class, by contrast, only can be realized by the worker who is [to
quote Marx] an ‘exceedingly clever and shrewd fellow.’ Any worker ‘can’ do it, in the
sense of having the formal freedom to do so, but only a few are really able to. Hence the
worker possesses the least important of the two freedoms—namely the freedom to
change employer—in the strongest sense of these two senses of freedom. He can actually
use it should he decide to. Conversely, the more important freedom to move into the
capitalist class obtains only in the weaker, more conditional sense: ‘every workman, if
he is an exceedingly clever fellow…can possibly be converted into an exploiteur du travail
d’autrui.’ Correlatively, the ideological implications of the two freedoms differ. With
respect to the first, the ideologically attractive aspect is that the worker is free in the
strong sense, while the second has the attraction of making him free with respect to an
important freedom. If the two are confused, as they might easily be, the idea could
emerge that the worker remains in the working class by choice rather than necessity.”
From Jon Elster’s Making Sense of Marx (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press,
1985): 208 and 211 respectively.
In addition, as Joshua Cohen and Joel Rogers explain, the nature of “capitalist
democracy” places structural constraints on both the articulation and satisfaction of
interests within the system. With regard to the latter, for instance, and owing to their
control of investment, “the satisfaction of the interests of capitalists is a necessary
condition for the satisfaction of all other interests in the system,” which means “the
welfare of workers remains structurally secondary to the welfare of capitalists,” a fact
we conveniently forget in times of economic abundance and low unemployment but is
resurrected in the wake of the cycles, crashes, and panics endemic to capitalism. The
decisions of capitalists are directly responsible for the well-being of workers, and thus
we see the “interests of capitalists appear as general interests of the society as a whole,
[with] the interests of everyone else appear as merely particular, or ‘special.’” As for the
articulation of those interests inextricably tied to basic civic and political rights:
“In a capitalist democracy the exercise of political rights is constrained in two important
ways. In the first place, the political rights granted to all citizens, workers among others,
are formal or procedural, and not substantive. That is, they do not take into account in
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their own form and application the inequalities in the distribution of resources,
characteristic of capitalism, which decisively affect the exercise of political rights and
importantly limit their power of expression. [….] Capitalist democracy also tends to
direct the exercise of political rights toward the satisfaction of certain interests. The
structuring of political demand, or what we call the ‘demand constraint,’ is crucial to the
process of consent. [….] [C]apitalist democracy is in some measure capable of satisfying
the interests encouraged by capitalist democracy itself, namely, interests in short-term
material gain.
This “demand constraint” canalizes the articulation of the interests of working people
into the exclusive pursuit of economic advantage, in part owing to the ubiquitous
conditions of “material uncertainty” for all but the wealthy classes: “There is a
characteristic economic rationality to the actions of workers encouraged by capitalism.
In the face of material uncertainties arising from continual dependence on the labor
market under conditions of the private control of investment, it makes sense for workers
to struggle to increase their wages.”
At the same time, the struggle of workers is perhaps best not viewed as simply and
solely the motivational outcome of economic rationality. This point is reiterated in a
different way with regard to prevailing Left-leaning Liberal ideology in the following
observation by the political scientist, Ian Shapiro:
“The ambiguous moral status of Keynesianism and welfare economics has always
inhered in the fact that they appeal to the short-term interests of the disadvantaged
(such as unemployed workers and firms on the verge of bankruptcy during recessions)
by ensuring subsistence, creating employment, and expanding credit, yet these policies
are geared in the medium term to sustaining the system which generates those very
disadvantages—hence the ironic force of Joan Robinson’s quip that the one thing worse
than being exploited is not being exploited at all.” (Ian Shapiro, The Evolution of Rights in
Liberal Theory, 1986: 152-153)
This dramatically lessens the likelihood that workers will spontaneously awaken the
requisite energy and craft the collective tools necessary for critiquing and transcending
the system as such, hence the role of activists, organizers, intellectuals, social
movements, trade unions, and so on that serve—ideally—to selflessly lead workers in
their own efforts at collective self-emancipation. As Rudolf Bahro reminds us,
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“[I]n no known historical case did the first creative impulse in ideas and organization
proceed from the masses; the trade unions do not anticipate any new civilization. The
political workers’ movement was itself founded by declassed bourgeois intellectuals,
which in no way means that the most active proletarian elements did not soon come to
play a role of their own in the socialist parties and tend themselves to become
intellectuals” [what, after Gramsci, we refer to as ‘organic intellectuals’] (Rudolf Bahro,
The Alternative in Eastern Europe, 1978).
As for the “ignorance” and inattention of all too many academics and intellectuals on
these topics, in particular those not intimately acquainted with the Marxist tradition, one
can’t help but suspect ideological and socio-psychological mechanisms (e.g., states of
denial, self-deception, wishful thinking: ideological delusions and illusions generally)
are responsible for their conspicuous failure to actively commit themselves to any one or
several of the myriad means available for ameliorating and transforming the conditions
of the world of work. Precious few lawyers, for instance and comparatively speaking,
are devoted to assisting workers in such tasks as collective self-organization, collective
bargaining, and defending the rights of both organized and unorganized workers. Such
task-specific “cause lawyering” (see Sarat and Scheingold: 1998; cause lawyering is
arguably most conspicuous among criminal defense lawyers) is but part of a general
emancipation consisting in “the liberation of individuals from all socially determined
limitations on the their development,” and is accomplished to the degree “that men [and
women] are positively placed in a position to appropriate the social totality—or to put it
another way, to make subjectively their own the quintessence of the overall cultural
achievement that mankind has so far produced or reproduce (i.e., handed down)”
(Bahro: 255). The conditions for general emancipation, as Bahro reminds us, “go far
beyond the provision of material means in the narrower sense,” and hence transcend the
primary interests engendered by capitalist democracy, “namely, interests in short-term
material gain.”
Progressive cause lawyering on behalf of labor organizations and social movements, as
well as social justice and democratic struggles intrinsic to the world of work more
generally, can be understood as acting in response to the Sartrian “plea for intellectuals”
in so far as it exemplifies a
1. struggle against the perpetual rebirth of ideology amongst the popular
classes. In other words, [it] should attack externally and internally every
ideological representation that they entertain of themselves or their power
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(the ‘positive hero,’ the ‘personality cult,’ the ‘glorification of the
proletariat’…).
2. make[s] use of the capital of knowledge [the intellectual] has acquired from
the dominant class in order to help raise popular culture—that is to say, the
foundations of a popular culture.
3. help[s] to form technicians of practical knowledge within the
underprivileged classes…in the hope that they will become the organic
intellectuals of the working class….
4. [endeavors to] radicalize actions under way, by demonstrating the ultimate
objectives beyond immediate aims—in other words, universalization as a
historical goal of the working class. (Jean-Paul Sartre, ‘A Plea for
Intellectuals,’ a series of lectures delivered in Tokyo and Kyoto in 1965 and
published in Sartre’s Between Existentialism and Marxism. New York: Morrow
Quill, 1979: 228-285.
The basic assumption here is that such that such progressive cause lawyering, as part of
the rhetorical (or ‘ideological’) and political work of intellectuals more generally, will be
committed to what Sartre called—and Gandhi endeavored to embody in the practice of
the satyāgrahi—“a concrete and unconditioned alignment with the actions of the
underprivileged classes.” And this includes an inevitable by-product effect: the
emergence of what Gramsci termed “organic intellectuals.”
We need to ask ourselves if neo-Keynesian and welfare economics is capable of
accomplishing what the New Deal and World War II did in the last century, namely,
saving capitalism from itself. The manias, crashes, and panics endemic to capitalist
cycles (Meghnad Desai) have heretofore been subject to (i.e., tempered or tamed by)
Keynesian and conventional or neo-classical economic discipline, but one wonders if the
combined effects of global economic consolidation and environmental degradation are
creating conditions that render obsolete calcified models of neo-classical economic
growth and capital accumulation. To be sure, in several important yet underappreciated ways, the World Trade Organization (WTO), as an institution of global
economic governance, represents modest economic and political progress (as Desai
points out, its ‘structure is the most egalitarian of any of the international institutions—
one country one vote’). But are the IMF and the World Bank amenable to truly social
democratic-like economic reform? Can existing global institutions become susceptible to
democratic transformation while a significant number of member states in the world
system remain internally authoritarian? Can international economic institutions and
policies transcend the neoliberal capitalist consolidation of our time? In short, is it
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possible to achieve a globally egalitarian (neo-) Keynesian Golden Age comparable to
“what the French call the Trente Glorieuses, the ‘thirty glorious years’ between 1945 and
1975, when economic growth was broadly shared and income differentials narrowed”?
(Doug Henwood)
Absolute and relative poverty (the latter conspicuously in evidence in both national and
transnational trends of increasing socio-economic inequality) remains recalcitrant in
several regions of the world alongside increasing and unprecedented levels of regional
and global inequality, while extremely high rates of unemployment appear disturbingly
obdurate, economic facts we might grant without in any way diminishing the historic
significance of capitalism for unprecedented wealth creation (and thus betterment of
standards of living if not quality of life indices). Are we, at last, reaching the structural
limits of capitalist economic logic? Have we exhausted the economic and bourgeois
virtues of the neo-classical economic worldview? Or, are we merely at the lowest ebb of
an economic cycle that will be cured by some fortuitous combination of conventional
and creative politico-economic policies crafted by prudent democratic leaders of
countries North and South? Is this a propitious time for contemplating the possible or
probable imminent dissolution of the “aristocracy of capital” and the “economization of
social relations?” Is our time ripe for (re)articulation of the authority of the Good by way
of abandoning purely neoliberal capitalist criteria for market success? Are we prepared
to break, once and for all, the structural socio-economic and political constraints of
“capitalist democracy?” Must the welfare of the many and their generalizable interests
remain subordinate to the welfare of capitalists and their particular or special interests?
Are the interests of working people fated to be canalized into the exclusive pursuit of
economic advantage? Must labor markets remain plagued by the material uncertainties
and insecurities intrinsic to the private control of investment within the terms of finance
capitalism?
The distorted and artificial needs and the individually and socially harmful desires
generated by hyper-industrialized casino capitalism finds the masses in a state in which
they feel an overwhelming need to be psychologically indemnified by the possession
and consumption of as many goods and services as possible, in a socio-economic world
in which conspicuous consumption exists side-by-side with absolute and relative
poverty. Capitalist democracy remains committed to the aristocracy of Capital, meaning
that the special interests of capitalists trump the generalizable interests intrinsically tied
to a common good committed in the first place to individual self-realization, while
economic insecurity compels workers to canalize their interests in the struggle for higher
wages or short-term material gain. The aristocracy of Capital and its lifeblood, the
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commodification of labor, finds workers dehumanized not only from classic Marxist
alienation but insofar as they’re indemnified by the false promises of conspicuous
consumption and irresponsible affluence. This serves to utterly distort the pursuit of
genuine happiness or human flourishing and blocks generalization of the opportunity
for individuals alone and in concert to instantiate the myriad virtues and uniquely
realize the complementary motley values that make for human fulfillment and
eudaimonistic flourishing.
Can we, instead, accord socio-economic primacy to creating the necessary (and thus not
necessarily sufficient) conditions for generalizing psychological and moral individuation
or self-realization? Assuming the capacity to meet basic material human needs, can we
resort to criteria directly or indirectly associated with the recognition and fulfillment of
our moral and spiritual needs by way of the regulation of economic life, thereby
subordinating economic life to the establishment conditions necessary for and
propitious to generalizing the pursuit of self-actualization or self-realization in a
psychological, moral and spiritual sense, for generalizing the innate incentive toward
worthy living within the constraints of dignity and self-respect (as Dworkin says)? As
John Dewey stated, “Democracy has many meanings, but if it has a moral meaning, it is
found in resolving that the supreme test of all political institutions and industrial
arrangements shall be the contribution they make to the all-around growth of every
member of society.”
1. Workers’ Rights, Collective Bargaining & Labor Law: 8-18
2. The World of Work: Economics, Technology, Industrial Relations: 18-35
3. The World of Work & Organized Labor: History, Politics … : 36-76
Appended to the bibliography is a short list of companion compilations and links to a
number of relevant sites online.
Please note: Some of the titles may fall into more than one of the above rubrics but a
decision was made to place them in just one category. I welcome suggestions for new
titles.
1. Workers’ Rights, Collective Bargaining & Labor Law (some of the case books listed
below may be available in later editions)
Aaron, Benjamin A. and Katherine V.W. Stone. Rethinking Comparative Labor Law:
Bridging the Past and the Future. Lake Mary, FL: Vandeplas, 2007.
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Abrams, Roger I. The Labor Arbitration Workshop: An Experiential Approach. Durham, NC:
Carolina Academic Press, 2016.
Acevedo, Deepa Das, ed. Beyond the Algorithm: Qualitative Insights for Gig Work
Regulation. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2020.
Adams-Prassl, Jeremias, Alan Bogg, A.C.L. Davies, eds. Landmark Cases in Labour Law.
Oxford, UK: Hart Publishing, 2022.
Adams, Zoe. The Legal Concept of Work. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2022.
Alston, Philip, ed. Labour Rights as Human Rights. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press,
2005.
Anderson, Elizabeth. Private Government: How Employers Rule Our Lives…. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 2017.
Atleson, James B. Values and Assumptions in American Labor Law. Amherst, MA:
University of Massachusetts Press, 1983.
Atleson, James, et al. International Labor Law: Cases and Materials on Workers’ Rights in the
Global Economy. St. Paul, MN: West Law School/Thomson-West, 2008.
Avery, Dianne, Maria L. Ontiveros, Roberto L. Corrada, Michael Selmi, and Melissa
Hart. Employment Discrimination Law: Cases and Materials on Equality in the
Workplace. St. Paul, MN: Thomson-West, 8th ed., 2010.
Bales, Richard A. Compulsory Arbitration: The Grand Experiment in Employment. Ithaca,
NY: ILR Press/Cornell University Press, 1997.
Bales, Richard A., Jeffrey M. Hirsch, and Paul M. Secunda. Understanding Employment
Law. Newark, NJ: LexisNexis, 2nd ed., 2013.
Bales, Richard A. and Charlotte Garden, eds. The Cambridge Handbook of U.S. Labor Law
for the Twenty-First Century. Cambridge University Press, 2019.
Bamberger, Peter. Exposing Pay: Pay Transparency and What It Means for Employees,
Employers, and Public Policy. New York: Oxford University Press, 2023.
Barrow, Charles. Industrial Relations Law. London, UK: Cavendish Publishing, 2nd ed.,
2002.
Basu, Kaushik, et al., eds. International Labor Standards: History, Theory and Policy Options.
Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003.
Bennett, James T. and Bruce E. Kaufman, eds. What Do Unions Do?: A Twenty-Year
Perspective. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2007.
Bernard, Catherine. EC Employment Law. New York: Oxford University Press, 3rd ed.,
2000.
Blanpain, Roger, ed. Corporate Restructuring and the Role of Labour Law. The Hague:
Kluwer Law International, 2003.
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Blanpain, R. and M. Colucci. The Globalization of Labour Standards: The Soft Law Track
(Global Compact, ILO Principles, NAFTA Agreement, OECD Guidelines). The Hague:
Kluwer Law International, 2004.
Blanpain, Roger, et al. The Global Workplace: International and Comparative Employment Law
(Cases and Materials). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
Bodie, Matthew and Samuel Estreicher, eds. Workplace Discrimination, Privacy and
Security in an Age of Terrorism. The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 2007.
Bowers, John, et al., Blackstone’s Employment Law Practice, 2006. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2006.
Bronstein, Arturo. International and Comparative Labour Law: Current Challenges. New
York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
Brown, Ronald C. Understanding Employment and Labor Law in China. Cambridge, UK:
Cambridge University Press, 2010.
Brown, Ronald C. East Asian Labor and Employment Law: International and Comparative
Context. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012.
Carlson, Richard R. Employment Law. New York: Aspen, 2nd ed., 2009.
Carrell, Michael R. and Christina Heavrin. Labor Relations and Collective Bargaining: Cases,
Practice, and Law. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall, 8th ed., 2006.
Casebeer, Kenneth M. and Gary Minda. Work Law in American Society. Durham, NC:
Carolina Academic Press, 2nd ed., 2010.
Casebeer, Kenneth M., ed. American Labor Struggles and Law Histories. Durham, NC:
Carolina Academic Press, 2011.
Cihon, Patrick J. and James Octavio Castagnera. Employment and Labor Law. Cincinnati,
OH: West/Thomson, 7th ed., 2010.
Clark, Paul, John T. Delaney, and Ann C. Frost, eds. Collective Bargaining in the Private
Sector. Ithaca, NY: ILR Press/Cornell University Press, 2003.
Cobble, Dorothy Sue. The Other Women’s Movement: Workplace Justice and Social Rights in
Modern America. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004.
Compa, Lance A. Unfair Advantage: Workers’ Freedom of Association in the United States
under International Human Rights Standards. New York: Human Rights Watch,
2000.
Compa, Lance A. and Stephen F. Diamond, eds. Human Rights, Labor Rights, and
International Trade. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003.
Compa, Lance A. and Tequila Brooks. NAFTA and the NAALC Twenty Years of North
American Trade-Labour Linkage. New York: Wolters Kluwer Law & Business, 2015.
Conaghan, Joanne and Kerry Rittich, eds. Labour Law, Work, and Family. New York:
Oxford University Press, 2005.
Conaghan, Joanne, Richard Michael Fischl, and Karl Klare, eds. Labour Law in an Age of
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Globalization: Transformative Practices & Policies. New York: Oxford University
Press, 2002.
Cooper, Laura J. and Catherine L. Fisk, eds. Labor Law Stories. New York: Foundation
Press, 2005.
Cooper, Laura J., Dennis R. Nolan and Richard A. Bales. ADR in the Workplace. St. Paul,
MN: West Publ., 2nd ed., 2005.
Cox, Archibald, Derek Curtis Bok, Robert A. Gorman and Matthew W. Finkin. Labor
Law: Cases and Materials. New York: Foundation Press, 13th ed., 2001.
Craig, John D.R. and S. Michael Lynk, eds. Globalization and the Future of Labour Law.
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
Crain, Marion G., Pauline T. Kim, and Michael Selmi. Work Law: Cases and Materials.
New Prividence, NJ: LexisNexis, 2nd ed., 2010.
Craypo, Charles. The Economics of Collective Bargaining. Washington, DC: Bureau of
National Affairs, 1986.
cummings, andré douglas pond and Anne Marie Lofaso, eds. Reversing Field: Examining
Commercialization, Labor, Gender and Race in 21st Century Sports Law. Morgantown,
WV: West Virginia University Press, 2010.
Dannin, Ellen. Taking Back the Workers’ Law: How to Fight the Assault on Labor Rights.
Ithaca, NY: ILR Press/Cornell University Press, 2006.
Dau-Schmidt, Kenneth G. et al. Labor Law in the Contemporary Workplace. St. Paul, MN:
West Academic, 2nd ed., 2014.
Dau-Schmidt, Kenneth G., Robert N. Covington, and Matthew W. Finkin. Legal
Protection for the Individual Employee. Eagan, MN: West Law School, 4th ed. 2010.
Davidov, Guy. A Purposive Approach to Labour Law. New York: Oxford University Press,
2016.
Davidov, Guy and Brian Langille, eds. Boundaries and Frontiers of Labour Law. Oxford,
UK: Hart, 2006.
Davidov, Guy and Brian Langille, eds. The Idea of Labour Law. Oxford, UK: Oxford
University Press, 2011.
Davies, Anne C.L. Perspectives on Labour Law. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University
Press, 2004.
Deakin, Simon and Frank Wilkinson. The Law of the Labour Market: Industrialization,
Employment, and Legal Evolution. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005.
Dilts, David A. Cases in Collective Bargaining & Industrial Relations: A Decisional Approach.
New York: McGraw-Hill/Irwin, 11th ed., 2006.
Duff, Michael C. Workers’ Compensation Law: A Context and Practice Casebook. Durham,
NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2013.
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Eaton, Adrienne E. and Jeffrey H. Keefe. Employment Dispute Resolution and Worker Rights
in the Changing Workplace. Champaign, IL: Industrial Relations Research
Association/University of Illinois, 1999.
Estlund, Cynthia. Regoverning the Workplace: From Self-Regulation to Co-Regulation. New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010.
Estreicher, Samuel. Global Issues in Labor Law. St. Paul, MN: Thomson-West, 2007.
Estreicher, Samuel, ed. Global Competition and the American Employment Landscape As We
Enter The 21st Century: Proceedings of the New York University 52nd Annual
Conference on Labor. New York: Kluwer Law International, 2000.
Estreicher, Samuel, ed. Alternative Dispute Resolution in the Employment Arena: Proceedings
of the New York University 53rd Annual Conference on Labor and Employment. New
York: Kluwer Law International, 2001.
Estreicher, Samuel and Miriam Cherry. Global Issues in Employment Law. St. Paul, MN:
Thomson-West, 2008.
Estreicher, Samuel and Brian Landsberg. Global Issues in Employment Discrimination Law.
St. Paul, MN: Thomson-West, 2007.
Estreicher, Samuel and Stewart J. Schwab. Foundations of Labor and Employment Law. New
York: Foundation Press, 2000.
Ewing, K.D. The Right to Strike (Oxford Monographs on Labour Law). New York: Oxford
University Press, 1991.
Ezorsky, Gertrude. Racism and Justice: The Case for Affirmative Action. Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 1991.
Feldacker, Bruce S. and Michael J. Hayes. Labor Guide to Labor Law. Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 5th ed., 2014.
Fenwick, Colin and Tonia Novitz, eds. Human Rights at Work: Perspectives on Law and
Regulation. Oxford, UK: Hart, 2010.
Finkin, Matthew W. and Guy Mundlak, eds. Comparative Labor Law. Northampton, MA:
Edward Elgar, 2015.
Flanagan, Robert J. Globalization and Labor Conditions: Working Conditions and Worker
Rights in a Global Economy. New York: Oxford University Press, 3rd ed., 2006.
Fliter, John A. Child Labor in America: The Epic Legal Struggle to Protect Children. Lawrence,
KS: University Press of Kansas, 2018.
Forbath, William E. Law and the Shaping of the American Labor Movement. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1991.
Freedland, Mark R. The Personal Employment Contract. New York: Oxford University
Press, 2003.
Freeman, Richard B. and Casey Ichniowski, eds. When Public Sector Workers Unionize.
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Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press (National Bureau of Economic
Research), 1988.
French, John D. Drowning in Laws: Labor Law and Brazilian Political Culture. Chapel Hill,
NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2004.
Friedman, Joel. Cases and Materials on the Law of Employment Discrimination. New York:
Foundation Press, 6th ed., 2007.
Friedman, Joel Wm. Employment Discrimination: Examples and Explanations. New York:
Aspen Publishers, 2010.
Fudge, Judy and Eric Tucker. Work on Trial: Canadian Labour Law Struggles. Toronto:
Irwin Law, 2010.
Fudge, Judy, Shae McCrystal, and Kamala Sankaran, eds. Challenging the Legal Boundaries
of Work Regulation. Oxford, UK: Hart, 2012.
Gall, Gregor, ed. Union Recognition: Organizing and Bargaining Outcomes. London:
Routledge, 2006.
Gamonal C., Sergio and César F. Rosado Marzán. Principled Labor Law: U.S. Labor Law
through a Latin American Method. New York: Oxford University Press, 2019.
Garcia, Ruben J. Marginal Workers: How Legal Fault Lines Divide Workers and Leave Them
without Protection. New York: New York University Press, 2012.
Gibson, Mary. Workers’ Rights. Totowa, NJ: Rowman & Allanheld, 1983.
Giubboni, Stefano. Social Rights and Market Freedom in the European Constitution: A Labour
Law Perspective. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
Gleeson, Shannon. Precarious Claims: The Promise and Failure of Workplace Protections in the
United States. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2016.
Glynn, Timothy P., Rachel S. Arrow-Richman, and Charles A. Sullivan. Employment Law:
Private Ordering and Its Limitations. New York: Aspen, 2007.
Gold, Michael Evan. An Introduction to Labor Law. Ithaca, NY: ILR Press of Cornell
University Press, 2nd ed., 1998.
Gold, Michael Evan. An Introduction to the Law of Employment Discrimination. Ithaca, NY:
ILR Press/Cornell University Press, 2nd ed., 2001.
Gorman, Robert A. and Matthew W. Finkman. Basic Text on Labor Law: Unionization and
Collective Bargaining (Hornbook). St. Paul, MN: West Publ., 2nd ed., 2004.
Grapperhaus, Ferdinand B.J. and Leonard G. Verburg. Employment Law and Work
Councils of the Netherlands. The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 2nd ed., 2009.
Gross, James A., ed. Workers’ Rights as Human Rights. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press, 2003.
Grover, Susan, Sandra F. Sperino, and Jarod S. Gonzalez. Employment Discrimination: A
Context and Practice Casebook. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2010.
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Some of my related bibliographies (embedded links): (i) Beyond Capitalist-Attenuated
Time: Freedom, Leisure, and Self-Realization, (ii) Beyond Inequality: Toward Welfare,
Well-Being and Human Flourishing, (iii) César Chávez & the United Farm Workers…,
(iv) Marxism, and (v) Global Distributive Justice.
See too these sites:
AFL-CIO: http://www.aflcio.org/
Association for Union Democracy: https://uniondemocracy.org/
American Rights at Work: http://www.americanrightsatwork.org/
Bread & Roses Centennial (1912-2012) Committee:
http://www.breadandrosescentennial.org/
Center for Labor Research and Education, University of California, Los Angeles:
http://www.labor.ucla.edu/
Center for the Study of Work, Labor, and Democracy (University of California,
Santa Barbara: http://www.history.ucsb.edu/projects/labor/index.html
Change to Win: http://www.changetowin.org/
Coalition of Black Trade Unionists (CBTU): http://www.cbtu.org/
Coalition of Labor Union Women: http://www.cluw.org/
Dollars and Sense: http://www.dollarsandsense.org/
Dolores Huerta Labor Institute: http://www.dhli.org/
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Farm Labor Organizing Committee, AFL-CIO: http://www.floc.com/wordpress/
Farmworker Justice: http://www.farmworkerjustice.org/
Harry Bridges Center for Labor Studies, University of Washington:
http://depts.washington.edu/pcls/
International Labour Organization: http://www.ilo.org/
Jobs With Justice: http://www.jwj.org/
Justice for Janitors: http://www.seiu.org/property/janitors/
Labor History Links (with annotated bibliography organized by chronology and
topic): http://www.niu.edu/~rfeurer/labor/reference_%20websites.html
Labor Net: http://www.labornet.org/
Labor Notes: http://labornotes.org/index.shtml
Labor Party: http://www.thelaborparty.org/
Labor and Working Class History Association (LAWCHA):
http://www.lawcha.org/
Labor Research & Action Network: https://lranetwork.org/
Labor Unions and the Internet (Cornell University Library):
http://guides.library.cornell.edu/c.php?g=31384&p=199729
LabourStart: http://www.labourstart.org/
Left Business Observer: http://www.leftbusinessobserver.com/
National Employment Law Project (NELP): http://www.nelp.org/
New Labor Forum: http://qcpages.qc.cuny.edu/newlaborforum/index.html
On Labor: Workers, Unions, and Politics: https://onlabor.org/
Progressive Educators (Progressive Educators for Action, Los Angeles):
https://progressiveeducators.wordpress.com/about/
School of Industrial and Labor Relations, Cornell University (ILR School):
http://www.ilr.cornell.edu/
Teamsters for a Democratic Union: http://www.tdu.org/about
United Farmworkers: http://www.ufw.org/
United Professionals (UP): http://www.unitedprofessionals.org/
Working-Class Perspectives: http://workingclassstudies.wordpress.com/
Workplace Prof Blog: http://lawprofessors.typepad.com/laborprof_blog/
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Diego Rivera, The Making of a Fresco Showing the Building of a City (1931)
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