Workers, the World of Work, and Labor Law: a bibliography

Patrick S. O&#39;Donnell

What will be the effects of the current trend in Labour Law of emancipation from the constraints of contractualism? Could the worker be regarded as other than a contracting party and his/her actions be addressed beyond purely contractual rights and obligations? The worker does not limit himself/herself today to the performance of the work tasks, but acts as a citizen in the workplace; it is a reality calling for new theoretical approaches, away from the contractual constraints. The individualization of labour law appears as the result of the evolution of the rules of labour law, which contributes to promoting the figure of each employee as an independent and unique human being. This paradigm shift also generates changes in the relationship between labour law and human rights protection; none of the two being currently estranged from the orientation towards the individual (and not to the collectivity). Labour law cannot resist to post-modern, individual-centred approaches that shift ...

The relevance and continuing existence of industrial relations, as a field of academic study, is facing a number of challenges, particularly in English-speaking countries, as union membership declines, collective bargaining coverage shrinks and the number of strikes wanes each year. Yet issues of employment and workplace relations remain significant to economic prosperity and social harmony, particularly with the changing nature of work and of employment contracts. Furthermore, there are a number of other means by which employee voice is heard, through the agency of non-government organizations, community groups and various consultative bodies. In order to reinforce its relevance, industrial relations needs to include new actors, cover a wider range of issues and adopt a multi-level approach which incorporates both local and global dimensions.

A 2015 study by English professor Judy Fudge clearly shows the motivations that inspire labour lawyers and employees’ organisations, that is, trade unions, in the choice of the right way to further develop employment regulation, or – in case of employees – in the choice of the field of legal struggles. Based on her analysis, the first phase of the changes in labour law took place in the 1970s. Then, after the golden age of peaceful cooperation between employers and employees, the privatisation and withdrawal of the state from the economy began in parallel with the completion of the organisational role of market economy; the foundations of the existing labour law began to be destroyed. In parallel with its reintegration into private law, labour contract began to appear as one of the many kinds of contract. This removed the special problem of the worker’s dependence from a private power. At that time, freedom of contract and business, which could best be addressed through the dogmatic framework of private law, became the main issue, but thus the aspect of dependency and unequal position of the worker on the other side of the contract was eliminated. Labour law custodians, the trade unions in Europe, began to pursue a new course in the mid-1990s – in Canada since the late 1980s – based on their fundamental constitutional rights. In this way, labour law has doubled over the past 30 years and, parallel to traditional legislative labour law, constitutionalised labour law has been brought about.

Workers, the World of Work, and Labor Law: A Basic Bibliography Patrick S. O’Donnell (2023) The emergence of the market in labour power required the dissolution of the reference groups [that are the primary source of our conceptions of ‘the Good,’ of our most important moral values and principles], so that one subject came to face another no longer within the web of norms presented by the sharing of various reference groups. Instead, one subject came to face another solely as competitor in the market to supply Capital with labour power necessary for the maximisation of profit. Capital needs labour power to be freed from the normative bonds of our actual traditions, or else its supply will be economically inefficient. And of course, for Capital, the only measure of the adequacy of its supply is the economic efficiency in terms of profit maximisation. [….] Capitalism cannot abide the construction of relationships other than those economic ones in which it places one labourer in relation with another. [….] For capitalism to flourish, moral agency must be replaced by economic agency and therefore it is no good trying to put a ‘human’ face upon capitalism. As long as the underlying economic arrangement is a capitalist one, there is no room for the construction of the reference groups required to make that face more than a shallow mask. — Michael Luntley in The Meaning of Socialism (1990) Jacob Lawrence, Ironers (1943) Introduction This bibliography contains a number of titles dealing with “workers,” the “world of work” generally, and “labor law” in particular, so as to account for some of the more compelling reasons we should assiduously attend to the complex economic and moral questions (the former often including some of the latter) regarding the labor, working conditions, and leisure time of working people. I suspect much of the general public in this country is woefully ignorant of the history of workers organizing to better represent and defend their interests, some of which coincide with basic human rights. Moreover, workers themselves are increasingly misled or confused as to what is in their best (or true) interest(s), as when they are seduced by the siren songs of conspicuous consumption, upper class incomes, or so bewitched by capitalist ideologies they cannot conceive, let alone believe in, the possibility of an alternative economic system to the one that today so ruthlessly rules their lives. There are several more than plausible reasons that might account for the fact that many workers fail to appreciate what is in their own best interests. As Jon Elster has argued, “Marx’s most original contribution to the theory of belief formation was ... his idea that economic agents tend to generalize locally valid views into invalid global statements, because of a failure to perceive that causal relations that obtain ceteris paribus may not hold unrestrictedly. For instance, although any worker may be seen as the marginal worker, not all workers can be at the margin. This is a local-global fallacy that leads to cognitive failures, different from yet related to the local-global confusions that lead to failures of action. This is perhaps the most powerful part of the Marxist methodology: the demonstration that in a decentralized economy there spontaneously arises a fallacy of composition with consequences for theory as well as for practice. [….] “Outside the factory gate, no one can tell the worker what to do. He can purchase the goods he wants to, within the limits of his wage. He can change employer, within the limits of alternative employment. He may even try to become self-employed or an employer himself, and sometimes succeed. That freedom, while ultimately a danger to capitalism, has useful short-term ideological consequences, since it creates an appearance of independence not only from any particular capitalist, but from capital itself. [….] Both the freedom to change employer and the freedom to become an employer oneself give rise to ideological illusions that embody the fallacy of composition. The first is the inference from the fact that a given worker is independent of any specific employer to 2 the conclusion that he is free from all employers, that is, independent of capital as such, to the conclusion that all workers can achieve such independence. It might look as if the conclusion of the first inference follows validly from the premise of the second, but this is due merely to the word ‘can’ being employed in two different senses. The freedom of the worker to change employer depends, for its realization, mainly on his decision to do so. He ‘can’ do it, having the real ability to do so should he want to. The freedom to move into the capitalist class, by contrast, only can be realized by the worker who is [to quote Marx] an ‘exceedingly clever and shrewd fellow.’ Any worker ‘can’ do it, in the sense of having the formal freedom to do so, but only a few are really able to. Hence the worker possesses the least important of the two freedoms—namely the freedom to change employer—in the strongest sense of these two senses of freedom. He can actually use it should he decide to. Conversely, the more important freedom to move into the capitalist class obtains only in the weaker, more conditional sense: ‘every workman, if he is an exceedingly clever fellow…can possibly be converted into an exploiteur du travail d’autrui.’ Correlatively, the ideological implications of the two freedoms differ. With respect to the first, the ideologically attractive aspect is that the worker is free in the strong sense, while the second has the attraction of making him free with respect to an important freedom. If the two are confused, as they might easily be, the idea could emerge that the worker remains in the working class by choice rather than necessity.” From Jon Elster’s Making Sense of Marx (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1985): 208 and 211 respectively. In addition, as Joshua Cohen and Joel Rogers explain, the nature of “capitalist democracy” places structural constraints on both the articulation and satisfaction of interests within the system. With regard to the latter, for instance, and owing to their control of investment, “the satisfaction of the interests of capitalists is a necessary condition for the satisfaction of all other interests in the system,” which means “the welfare of workers remains structurally secondary to the welfare of capitalists,” a fact we conveniently forget in times of economic abundance and low unemployment but is resurrected in the wake of the cycles, crashes, and panics endemic to capitalism. The decisions of capitalists are directly responsible for the well-being of workers, and thus we see the “interests of capitalists appear as general interests of the society as a whole, [with] the interests of everyone else appear as merely particular, or ‘special.’” As for the articulation of those interests inextricably tied to basic civic and political rights: “In a capitalist democracy the exercise of political rights is constrained in two important ways. In the first place, the political rights granted to all citizens, workers among others, are formal or procedural, and not substantive. That is, they do not take into account in 3 their own form and application the inequalities in the distribution of resources, characteristic of capitalism, which decisively affect the exercise of political rights and importantly limit their power of expression. [….] Capitalist democracy also tends to direct the exercise of political rights toward the satisfaction of certain interests. The structuring of political demand, or what we call the ‘demand constraint,’ is crucial to the process of consent. [….] [C]apitalist democracy is in some measure capable of satisfying the interests encouraged by capitalist democracy itself, namely, interests in short-term material gain. This “demand constraint” canalizes the articulation of the interests of working people into the exclusive pursuit of economic advantage, in part owing to the ubiquitous conditions of “material uncertainty” for all but the wealthy classes: “There is a characteristic economic rationality to the actions of workers encouraged by capitalism. In the face of material uncertainties arising from continual dependence on the labor market under conditions of the private control of investment, it makes sense for workers to struggle to increase their wages.” At the same time, the struggle of workers is perhaps best not viewed as simply and solely the motivational outcome of economic rationality. This point is reiterated in a different way with regard to prevailing Left-leaning Liberal ideology in the following observation by the political scientist, Ian Shapiro: “The ambiguous moral status of Keynesianism and welfare economics has always inhered in the fact that they appeal to the short-term interests of the disadvantaged (such as unemployed workers and firms on the verge of bankruptcy during recessions) by ensuring subsistence, creating employment, and expanding credit, yet these policies are geared in the medium term to sustaining the system which generates those very disadvantages—hence the ironic force of Joan Robinson’s quip that the one thing worse than being exploited is not being exploited at all.” (Ian Shapiro, The Evolution of Rights in Liberal Theory, 1986: 152-153) This dramatically lessens the likelihood that workers will spontaneously awaken the requisite energy and craft the collective tools necessary for critiquing and transcending the system as such, hence the role of activists, organizers, intellectuals, social movements, trade unions, and so on that serve—ideally—to selflessly lead workers in their own efforts at collective self-emancipation. As Rudolf Bahro reminds us, 4 “[I]n no known historical case did the first creative impulse in ideas and organization proceed from the masses; the trade unions do not anticipate any new civilization. The political workers’ movement was itself founded by declassed bourgeois intellectuals, which in no way means that the most active proletarian elements did not soon come to play a role of their own in the socialist parties and tend themselves to become intellectuals” [what, after Gramsci, we refer to as ‘organic intellectuals’] (Rudolf Bahro, The Alternative in Eastern Europe, 1978). As for the “ignorance” and inattention of all too many academics and intellectuals on these topics, in particular those not intimately acquainted with the Marxist tradition, one can’t help but suspect ideological and socio-psychological mechanisms (e.g., states of denial, self-deception, wishful thinking: ideological delusions and illusions generally) are responsible for their conspicuous failure to actively commit themselves to any one or several of the myriad means available for ameliorating and transforming the conditions of the world of work. Precious few lawyers, for instance and comparatively speaking, are devoted to assisting workers in such tasks as collective self-organization, collective bargaining, and defending the rights of both organized and unorganized workers. Such task-specific “cause lawyering” (see Sarat and Scheingold: 1998; cause lawyering is arguably most conspicuous among criminal defense lawyers) is but part of a general emancipation consisting in “the liberation of individuals from all socially determined limitations on the their development,” and is accomplished to the degree “that men [and women] are positively placed in a position to appropriate the social totality—or to put it another way, to make subjectively their own the quintessence of the overall cultural achievement that mankind has so far produced or reproduce (i.e., handed down)” (Bahro: 255). The conditions for general emancipation, as Bahro reminds us, “go far beyond the provision of material means in the narrower sense,” and hence transcend the primary interests engendered by capitalist democracy, “namely, interests in short-term material gain.” Progressive cause lawyering on behalf of labor organizations and social movements, as well as social justice and democratic struggles intrinsic to the world of work more generally, can be understood as acting in response to the Sartrian “plea for intellectuals” in so far as it exemplifies a 1. struggle against the perpetual rebirth of ideology amongst the popular classes. In other words, [it] should attack externally and internally every ideological representation that they entertain of themselves or their power 5 (the ‘positive hero,’ the ‘personality cult,’ the ‘glorification of the proletariat’…). 2. make[s] use of the capital of knowledge [the intellectual] has acquired from the dominant class in order to help raise popular culture—that is to say, the foundations of a popular culture. 3. help[s] to form technicians of practical knowledge within the underprivileged classes…in the hope that they will become the organic intellectuals of the working class…. 4. [endeavors to] radicalize actions under way, by demonstrating the ultimate objectives beyond immediate aims—in other words, universalization as a historical goal of the working class. (Jean-Paul Sartre, ‘A Plea for Intellectuals,’ a series of lectures delivered in Tokyo and Kyoto in 1965 and published in Sartre’s Between Existentialism and Marxism. New York: Morrow Quill, 1979: 228-285. The basic assumption here is that such that such progressive cause lawyering, as part of the rhetorical (or ‘ideological’) and political work of intellectuals more generally, will be committed to what Sartre called—and Gandhi endeavored to embody in the practice of the satyāgrahi—“a concrete and unconditioned alignment with the actions of the underprivileged classes.” And this includes an inevitable by-product effect: the emergence of what Gramsci termed “organic intellectuals.” We need to ask ourselves if neo-Keynesian and welfare economics is capable of accomplishing what the New Deal and World War II did in the last century, namely, saving capitalism from itself. The manias, crashes, and panics endemic to capitalist cycles (Meghnad Desai) have heretofore been subject to (i.e., tempered or tamed by) Keynesian and conventional or neo-classical economic discipline, but one wonders if the combined effects of global economic consolidation and environmental degradation are creating conditions that render obsolete calcified models of neo-classical economic growth and capital accumulation. To be sure, in several important yet underappreciated ways, the World Trade Organization (WTO), as an institution of global economic governance, represents modest economic and political progress (as Desai points out, its ‘structure is the most egalitarian of any of the international institutions— one country one vote’). But are the IMF and the World Bank amenable to truly social democratic-like economic reform? Can existing global institutions become susceptible to democratic transformation while a significant number of member states in the world system remain internally authoritarian? Can international economic institutions and policies transcend the neoliberal capitalist consolidation of our time? In short, is it 6 possible to achieve a globally egalitarian (neo-) Keynesian Golden Age comparable to “what the French call the Trente Glorieuses, the ‘thirty glorious years’ between 1945 and 1975, when economic growth was broadly shared and income differentials narrowed”? (Doug Henwood) Absolute and relative poverty (the latter conspicuously in evidence in both national and transnational trends of increasing socio-economic inequality) remains recalcitrant in several regions of the world alongside increasing and unprecedented levels of regional and global inequality, while extremely high rates of unemployment appear disturbingly obdurate, economic facts we might grant without in any way diminishing the historic significance of capitalism for unprecedented wealth creation (and thus betterment of standards of living if not quality of life indices). Are we, at last, reaching the structural limits of capitalist economic logic? Have we exhausted the economic and bourgeois virtues of the neo-classical economic worldview? Or, are we merely at the lowest ebb of an economic cycle that will be cured by some fortuitous combination of conventional and creative politico-economic policies crafted by prudent democratic leaders of countries North and South? Is this a propitious time for contemplating the possible or probable imminent dissolution of the “aristocracy of capital” and the “economization of social relations?” Is our time ripe for (re)articulation of the authority of the Good by way of abandoning purely neoliberal capitalist criteria for market success? Are we prepared to break, once and for all, the structural socio-economic and political constraints of “capitalist democracy?” Must the welfare of the many and their generalizable interests remain subordinate to the welfare of capitalists and their particular or special interests? Are the interests of working people fated to be canalized into the exclusive pursuit of economic advantage? Must labor markets remain plagued by the material uncertainties and insecurities intrinsic to the private control of investment within the terms of finance capitalism? The distorted and artificial needs and the individually and socially harmful desires generated by hyper-industrialized casino capitalism finds the masses in a state in which they feel an overwhelming need to be psychologically indemnified by the possession and consumption of as many goods and services as possible, in a socio-economic world in which conspicuous consumption exists side-by-side with absolute and relative poverty. Capitalist democracy remains committed to the aristocracy of Capital, meaning that the special interests of capitalists trump the generalizable interests intrinsically tied to a common good committed in the first place to individual self-realization, while economic insecurity compels workers to canalize their interests in the struggle for higher wages or short-term material gain. The aristocracy of Capital and its lifeblood, the 7 commodification of labor, finds workers dehumanized not only from classic Marxist alienation but insofar as they’re indemnified by the false promises of conspicuous consumption and irresponsible affluence. This serves to utterly distort the pursuit of genuine happiness or human flourishing and blocks generalization of the opportunity for individuals alone and in concert to instantiate the myriad virtues and uniquely realize the complementary motley values that make for human fulfillment and eudaimonistic flourishing. Can we, instead, accord socio-economic primacy to creating the necessary (and thus not necessarily sufficient) conditions for generalizing psychological and moral individuation or self-realization? Assuming the capacity to meet basic material human needs, can we resort to criteria directly or indirectly associated with the recognition and fulfillment of our moral and spiritual needs by way of the regulation of economic life, thereby subordinating economic life to the establishment conditions necessary for and propitious to generalizing the pursuit of self-actualization or self-realization in a psychological, moral and spiritual sense, for generalizing the innate incentive toward worthy living within the constraints of dignity and self-respect (as Dworkin says)? As John Dewey stated, “Democracy has many meanings, but if it has a moral meaning, it is found in resolving that the supreme test of all political institutions and industrial arrangements shall be the contribution they make to the all-around growth of every member of society.” 1. Workers’ Rights, Collective Bargaining & Labor Law: 8-18 2. The World of Work: Economics, Technology, Industrial Relations: 18-35 3. The World of Work & Organized Labor: History, Politics … : 36-76 Appended to the bibliography is a short list of companion compilations and links to a number of relevant sites online. Please note: Some of the titles may fall into more than one of the above rubrics but a decision was made to place them in just one category. I welcome suggestions for new titles. 1. Workers’ Rights, Collective Bargaining & Labor Law (some of the case books listed below may be available in later editions) Aaron, Benjamin A. and Katherine V.W. Stone. Rethinking Comparative Labor Law: Bridging the Past and the Future. Lake Mary, FL: Vandeplas, 2007. 8 Abrams, Roger I. The Labor Arbitration Workshop: An Experiential Approach. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2016. Acevedo, Deepa Das, ed. Beyond the Algorithm: Qualitative Insights for Gig Work Regulation. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Adams-Prassl, Jeremias, Alan Bogg, A.C.L. Davies, eds. Landmark Cases in Labour Law. Oxford, UK: Hart Publishing, 2022. Adams, Zoe. The Legal Concept of Work. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2022. Alston, Philip, ed. Labour Rights as Human Rights. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2005. Anderson, Elizabeth. Private Government: How Employers Rule Our Lives…. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2017. Atleson, James B. Values and Assumptions in American Labor Law. Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1983. Atleson, James, et al. International Labor Law: Cases and Materials on Workers’ Rights in the Global Economy. St. Paul, MN: West Law School/Thomson-West, 2008. Avery, Dianne, Maria L. Ontiveros, Roberto L. Corrada, Michael Selmi, and Melissa Hart. Employment Discrimination Law: Cases and Materials on Equality in the Workplace. St. Paul, MN: Thomson-West, 8th ed., 2010. Bales, Richard A. Compulsory Arbitration: The Grand Experiment in Employment. Ithaca, NY: ILR Press/Cornell University Press, 1997. Bales, Richard A., Jeffrey M. Hirsch, and Paul M. Secunda. Understanding Employment Law. Newark, NJ: LexisNexis, 2nd ed., 2013. Bales, Richard A. and Charlotte Garden, eds. The Cambridge Handbook of U.S. Labor Law for the Twenty-First Century. Cambridge University Press, 2019. Bamberger, Peter. Exposing Pay: Pay Transparency and What It Means for Employees, Employers, and Public Policy. New York: Oxford University Press, 2023. Barrow, Charles. Industrial Relations Law. London, UK: Cavendish Publishing, 2nd ed., 2002. Basu, Kaushik, et al., eds. International Labor Standards: History, Theory and Policy Options. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003. Bennett, James T. and Bruce E. Kaufman, eds. What Do Unions Do?: A Twenty-Year Perspective. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2007. Bernard, Catherine. EC Employment Law. New York: Oxford University Press, 3rd ed., 2000. Blanpain, Roger, ed. Corporate Restructuring and the Role of Labour Law. The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 2003. 9 Blanpain, R. and M. Colucci. The Globalization of Labour Standards: The Soft Law Track (Global Compact, ILO Principles, NAFTA Agreement, OECD Guidelines). The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 2004. Blanpain, Roger, et al. The Global Workplace: International and Comparative Employment Law (Cases and Materials). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Bodie, Matthew and Samuel Estreicher, eds. Workplace Discrimination, Privacy and Security in an Age of Terrorism. The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 2007. Bowers, John, et al., Blackstone’s Employment Law Practice, 2006. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006. Bronstein, Arturo. International and Comparative Labour Law: Current Challenges. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. Brown, Ronald C. Understanding Employment and Labor Law in China. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Brown, Ronald C. East Asian Labor and Employment Law: International and Comparative Context. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012. Carlson, Richard R. Employment Law. New York: Aspen, 2nd ed., 2009. Carrell, Michael R. and Christina Heavrin. Labor Relations and Collective Bargaining: Cases, Practice, and Law. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall, 8th ed., 2006. Casebeer, Kenneth M. and Gary Minda. Work Law in American Society. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2nd ed., 2010. Casebeer, Kenneth M., ed. American Labor Struggles and Law Histories. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2011. Cihon, Patrick J. and James Octavio Castagnera. Employment and Labor Law. Cincinnati, OH: West/Thomson, 7th ed., 2010. Clark, Paul, John T. Delaney, and Ann C. Frost, eds. Collective Bargaining in the Private Sector. Ithaca, NY: ILR Press/Cornell University Press, 2003. Cobble, Dorothy Sue. The Other Women’s Movement: Workplace Justice and Social Rights in Modern America. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004. Compa, Lance A. Unfair Advantage: Workers’ Freedom of Association in the United States under International Human Rights Standards. New York: Human Rights Watch, 2000. Compa, Lance A. and Stephen F. Diamond, eds. Human Rights, Labor Rights, and International Trade. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003. Compa, Lance A. and Tequila Brooks. NAFTA and the NAALC Twenty Years of North American Trade-Labour Linkage. New York: Wolters Kluwer Law & Business, 2015. Conaghan, Joanne and Kerry Rittich, eds. Labour Law, Work, and Family. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005. Conaghan, Joanne, Richard Michael Fischl, and Karl Klare, eds. Labour Law in an Age of 10 Globalization: Transformative Practices & Policies. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. Cooper, Laura J. and Catherine L. Fisk, eds. Labor Law Stories. New York: Foundation Press, 2005. Cooper, Laura J., Dennis R. Nolan and Richard A. Bales. ADR in the Workplace. St. Paul, MN: West Publ., 2nd ed., 2005. Cox, Archibald, Derek Curtis Bok, Robert A. Gorman and Matthew W. Finkin. Labor Law: Cases and Materials. New York: Foundation Press, 13th ed., 2001. Craig, John D.R. and S. Michael Lynk, eds. Globalization and the Future of Labour Law. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Crain, Marion G., Pauline T. Kim, and Michael Selmi. Work Law: Cases and Materials. New Prividence, NJ: LexisNexis, 2nd ed., 2010. Craypo, Charles. The Economics of Collective Bargaining. Washington, DC: Bureau of National Affairs, 1986. cummings, andré douglas pond and Anne Marie Lofaso, eds. Reversing Field: Examining Commercialization, Labor, Gender and Race in 21st Century Sports Law. Morgantown, WV: West Virginia University Press, 2010. Dannin, Ellen. Taking Back the Workers’ Law: How to Fight the Assault on Labor Rights. Ithaca, NY: ILR Press/Cornell University Press, 2006. Dau-Schmidt, Kenneth G. et al. Labor Law in the Contemporary Workplace. St. Paul, MN: West Academic, 2nd ed., 2014. Dau-Schmidt, Kenneth G., Robert N. Covington, and Matthew W. Finkin. Legal Protection for the Individual Employee. Eagan, MN: West Law School, 4th ed. 2010. Davidov, Guy. A Purposive Approach to Labour Law. New York: Oxford University Press, 2016. Davidov, Guy and Brian Langille, eds. Boundaries and Frontiers of Labour Law. Oxford, UK: Hart, 2006. Davidov, Guy and Brian Langille, eds. The Idea of Labour Law. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2011. Davies, Anne C.L. Perspectives on Labour Law. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Deakin, Simon and Frank Wilkinson. The Law of the Labour Market: Industrialization, Employment, and Legal Evolution. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005. Dilts, David A. Cases in Collective Bargaining & Industrial Relations: A Decisional Approach. New York: McGraw-Hill/Irwin, 11th ed., 2006. Duff, Michael C. Workers’ Compensation Law: A Context and Practice Casebook. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2013. 11 Eaton, Adrienne E. and Jeffrey H. Keefe. Employment Dispute Resolution and Worker Rights in the Changing Workplace. Champaign, IL: Industrial Relations Research Association/University of Illinois, 1999. Estlund, Cynthia. Regoverning the Workplace: From Self-Regulation to Co-Regulation. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010. Estreicher, Samuel. Global Issues in Labor Law. St. Paul, MN: Thomson-West, 2007. Estreicher, Samuel, ed. Global Competition and the American Employment Landscape As We Enter The 21st Century: Proceedings of the New York University 52nd Annual Conference on Labor. New York: Kluwer Law International, 2000. Estreicher, Samuel, ed. Alternative Dispute Resolution in the Employment Arena: Proceedings of the New York University 53rd Annual Conference on Labor and Employment. New York: Kluwer Law International, 2001. Estreicher, Samuel and Miriam Cherry. Global Issues in Employment Law. St. Paul, MN: Thomson-West, 2008. Estreicher, Samuel and Brian Landsberg. Global Issues in Employment Discrimination Law. St. Paul, MN: Thomson-West, 2007. Estreicher, Samuel and Stewart J. Schwab. Foundations of Labor and Employment Law. New York: Foundation Press, 2000. Ewing, K.D. The Right to Strike (Oxford Monographs on Labour Law). New York: Oxford University Press, 1991. Ezorsky, Gertrude. Racism and Justice: The Case for Affirmative Action. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991. Feldacker, Bruce S. and Michael J. Hayes. Labor Guide to Labor Law. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 5th ed., 2014. Fenwick, Colin and Tonia Novitz, eds. Human Rights at Work: Perspectives on Law and Regulation. Oxford, UK: Hart, 2010. Finkin, Matthew W. and Guy Mundlak, eds. Comparative Labor Law. Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar, 2015. Flanagan, Robert J. Globalization and Labor Conditions: Working Conditions and Worker Rights in a Global Economy. New York: Oxford University Press, 3rd ed., 2006. Fliter, John A. Child Labor in America: The Epic Legal Struggle to Protect Children. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2018. Forbath, William E. Law and the Shaping of the American Labor Movement. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991. Freedland, Mark R. The Personal Employment Contract. New York: Oxford University Press, 2003. Freeman, Richard B. and Casey Ichniowski, eds. When Public Sector Workers Unionize. 12 Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press (National Bureau of Economic Research), 1988. French, John D. Drowning in Laws: Labor Law and Brazilian Political Culture. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2004. Friedman, Joel. Cases and Materials on the Law of Employment Discrimination. New York: Foundation Press, 6th ed., 2007. Friedman, Joel Wm. Employment Discrimination: Examples and Explanations. New York: Aspen Publishers, 2010. Fudge, Judy and Eric Tucker. Work on Trial: Canadian Labour Law Struggles. Toronto: Irwin Law, 2010. Fudge, Judy, Shae McCrystal, and Kamala Sankaran, eds. Challenging the Legal Boundaries of Work Regulation. Oxford, UK: Hart, 2012. Gall, Gregor, ed. Union Recognition: Organizing and Bargaining Outcomes. London: Routledge, 2006. Gamonal C., Sergio and César F. Rosado Marzán. Principled Labor Law: U.S. Labor Law through a Latin American Method. New York: Oxford University Press, 2019. Garcia, Ruben J. Marginal Workers: How Legal Fault Lines Divide Workers and Leave Them without Protection. New York: New York University Press, 2012. Gibson, Mary. Workers’ Rights. Totowa, NJ: Rowman & Allanheld, 1983. Giubboni, Stefano. Social Rights and Market Freedom in the European Constitution: A Labour Law Perspective. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Gleeson, Shannon. Precarious Claims: The Promise and Failure of Workplace Protections in the United States. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2016. Glynn, Timothy P., Rachel S. Arrow-Richman, and Charles A. Sullivan. 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Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 2011. Zurier, Rebecca. Art for the Masses: A Radical Magazine and Its Graphics, 1911-1917. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1988. Zweig, Michael. The Working Class Majority: America’s Best Kept Secret. Ithaca, NY: ILR Press, 2000. Some of my related bibliographies (embedded links): (i) Beyond Capitalist-Attenuated Time: Freedom, Leisure, and Self-Realization, (ii) Beyond Inequality: Toward Welfare, Well-Being and Human Flourishing, (iii) César Chávez & the United Farm Workers…, (iv) Marxism, and (v) Global Distributive Justice. See too these sites:  AFL-CIO: http://www.aflcio.org/  Association for Union Democracy: https://uniondemocracy.org/  American Rights at Work: http://www.americanrightsatwork.org/  Bread & Roses Centennial (1912-2012) Committee: http://www.breadandrosescentennial.org/  Center for Labor Research and Education, University of California, Los Angeles: http://www.labor.ucla.edu/  Center for the Study of Work, Labor, and Democracy (University of California, Santa Barbara: http://www.history.ucsb.edu/projects/labor/index.html  Change to Win: http://www.changetowin.org/  Coalition of Black Trade Unionists (CBTU): http://www.cbtu.org/  Coalition of Labor Union Women: http://www.cluw.org/  Dollars and Sense: http://www.dollarsandsense.org/  Dolores Huerta Labor Institute: http://www.dhli.org/ 77  Farm Labor Organizing Committee, AFL-CIO: http://www.floc.com/wordpress/  Farmworker Justice: http://www.farmworkerjustice.org/  Harry Bridges Center for Labor Studies, University of Washington: http://depts.washington.edu/pcls/  International Labour Organization: http://www.ilo.org/  Jobs With Justice: http://www.jwj.org/  Justice for Janitors: http://www.seiu.org/property/janitors/  Labor History Links (with annotated bibliography organized by chronology and topic): http://www.niu.edu/~rfeurer/labor/reference_%20websites.html  Labor Net: http://www.labornet.org/  Labor Notes: http://labornotes.org/index.shtml  Labor Party: http://www.thelaborparty.org/  Labor and Working Class History Association (LAWCHA): http://www.lawcha.org/  Labor Research & Action Network: https://lranetwork.org/  Labor Unions and the Internet (Cornell University Library): http://guides.library.cornell.edu/c.php?g=31384&p=199729  LabourStart: http://www.labourstart.org/  Left Business Observer: http://www.leftbusinessobserver.com/  National Employment Law Project (NELP): http://www.nelp.org/  New Labor Forum: http://qcpages.qc.cuny.edu/newlaborforum/index.html  On Labor: Workers, Unions, and Politics: https://onlabor.org/  Progressive Educators (Progressive Educators for Action, Los Angeles): https://progressiveeducators.wordpress.com/about/  School of Industrial and Labor Relations, Cornell University (ILR School): http://www.ilr.cornell.edu/  Teamsters for a Democratic Union: http://www.tdu.org/about  United Farmworkers: http://www.ufw.org/  United Professionals (UP): http://www.unitedprofessionals.org/  Working-Class Perspectives: http://workingclassstudies.wordpress.com/  Workplace Prof Blog: http://lawprofessors.typepad.com/laborprof_blog/ 78 Diego Rivera, The Making of a Fresco Showing the Building of a City (1931) 79

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